dangerous I have the privilege of closing this memorial on behalf of the Party of Salvador Allende, the Socialist Party of Chile. Privilege
dangerous because a lot has been said by all speakers who have preceded me and I avoid repeating them. Dangerous
also because the Socialist Party of Chile, which I represent in France is but the shadow of the Party of Salvador Allende, and the need to make it clear to you. Dangerous
finally, because I owe to the memory of Salvador Allende, on this anniversary, honesty and the truth about Chilean political reality today.
But before going there, let me return to the personality of Salvador Allende to remember two or three aspects of his political doctrine on which, in my opinion, never enough emphasis.
* The first feature you would like to emphasize is what patriotism should be called the constant testing which was, until the last moment, Salvador Allende.
The first thing is first and foremost interested in the Chilean context, the concrete reality verifiable, emerged from the history of that territory and the people who inhabit it.
living conditions of the people, which he called a doctor, were the underpinnings of his political commitment, "as they were, and the parallel is interesting, for this great French statesman, physician, too, George Clemenceau. In a speech in Parliament in 1937, just after the Popular Front victory in legislative elections, Allende proclaimed
"I think Chile is one big hut, in which only one patient, all the people de Chile. [...] What this town needs is a law that applies in its entirety, and go to the deep substratum of social ills, and once and for all end with the profiteering and speculation, and to break the government's indifference to the great problems of national interest subsisting in all its rawness, strangling the middle class and drives the country. "
This fidelity to the national interest as opposed to the interests of a sector of the population is undoubtedly a legacy of the French Revolution which republican ideas were introduced in Chile in the mid-nineteenth century by Santiago Arcos, who had lived with enthusiasm the revolutionary days of 1848 in Paris. Allende
reaffirmed in 1944, when he defines the ultimate goal the struggle of the left as "the conquest of the welfare and greatness of Chile." The left, as a representative of the people is the legitimate representative of the nation.
When you lose, no matter how little, the 1958 presidential elections, Allende continues along the same lines and in a Senate speech about one of the great themes of his campaign, reform, not as an ideological imperative, but as a need to which any party or any government can escape.
"I was particularly interested in being me, the candidate of the popular parties, who raised the country's agrarian reform. This reform is a social and economic unstoppable in the country. But always raised with the responsibility of the man who has studied, along with his companions, this matter: convinced that Chile's economy calls for land reform, with full awareness that the Chilean social reality demands. And therefore I have repeated ad nauseum, we're spending a hundred million dollars a year to bring food that we could produce. I saw the need for this reform because I know as a doctor, food deficits. "
Since then, economic independence and social justice became the leitmotifs of Allende and the Socialist Party of Chile.
During the years of President Eduardo Frei Allende denounced many times the weight of the United States, "now well-established in the 1964 presidential campaign, and the American influence of any substance that deprived the" revolution in freedom "that had been proposed to pursue the promising young Christian Democrats. When in 1970 reached the presidency of the Republic, Allende suffer severely, until the coup was the highlight event, the foreign presence that rose up against the general interest against the national interest. His death in La Moneda in flames is the final expression of the solid tie that bound him to the nation.
The second feature of the doctrine of Allende would like to stress, and attached to the first, is the unfailing respect for the law, defended it against everything and everyone. Is what led him to devise the revolutionary "Chilean road to socialism"-which was nothing of the ballot box, which seemed so dangerous to the Yankees in the context of the Cold War, but finally prevailed as normal in democracy from the 80 in Europe.
This leads me to say something about an idea that is evidence in any First World country, and yet it seems so difficult to understand or to perform in Latin America.
Contrary to what is usually heard under the influence of a persistent propaganda and easy, Salvador Allende's accession to power in 1970 accounted for much less at a rapprochement with the Soviet bloc Chile-step memory of the Soviet Union ran to relieve the government of Allende, that the approach of Chile, from an institutional standpoint, the countries of Western Europe.
Never before, nor ever since, "a government was so close in the country imposing the essential elements of what we could call a Republican Pact, ie an agreement among all political sectors of society to ensure public education quality, affordable health care for all, decent housing, in short a social minimum in the best possible quality to ensure the country's future, its development, enrichment and fulfillment of its citizens.
foreign influence, lack of patriotism or the lack of identification to a land, a people, one-story, made this possibility that Chile had to cross the cultural barrier, above all, separates First World from the rest of the planet, was lost.
today's Chile, after 17 years of ruthless dictatorship and 19 years of governments that manage, with increasingly difficult, a negotiated transition with the military and economic groups that supported them, that Chile, through a serious crisis.
A political crisis, first of all, he plays every game, without exception, from right to left: implode parties are split, expel, fractionated. New formations emerge, with no real backbone, parties "instrumental" as they say, which aims to bring to power some individuals without ideas, without convictions, without a program.
insist that this crisis reaches across the political spectrum, to the point that not only the leaders quarrel between them, so after all may appear normal, but whole sections of the parties, such as youth, do not feel represented by their addresses and oppose them or simply leave, leaving the parties.
On the right is a ruthless struggle for the conquest of power in the center right of the left is a political model, the Concertación, which seems not to work, to the left iquierda, is disorder , the dispersion in a multitude of factions, the inability to form alliances.
I said earlier that the Socialist Party, Allende's party, does not escape this crisis and remains frozen in a position where their constituents and their members are increasingly difficult to recognize as a socialist. As an example of what I say, let me quote some words:
"We have defended and defend democracy, but this does not prevent us note that Chile at this moment is mired in the deepest crisis in its history. This crisis is so deep that we cover all aspects: economic, political, institutional and moral.
We had no influence on the government, and act subordinate ministries, apart from any determination in the major categories of the national economy.
leave the government socialists when we saw the impossibility of developing a positive policy for the benefit of the country, the people, their working classes. We cease to belong to the executive when we realized that our power was barren and misunderstood and that our efforts were Arriagada by the economic right, which has continued to monitor the credit and finance. "
Who speaks? Salvador Allende in 1947, after the Socialists had withdrawn the second Popular Front government, that of Juan Antonio Ríos. Saving
proportions, striking parallel situations. And the net response, accurate, understandable, contributed to this situation by Salvador Allende and the Socialist Party then, contrasts in so brutal with the Socialist Party now confronted with similar difficulties.
The crisis is not only political, it is also economic. This is not the Chile of the major macroeconomic balances, "which is unfortunately the only compass of the economists who run the world," is sick, no. The economic malaise of Chile lies in the non-distribution of wealth, in the awful debt of households that pay for everything, including butter, on credit, with usurious rates exceeding 52%!
All that was privatization was privatized, everything is paid, beginning with education and health.
Education public is in a state of agony, students and schoolchildren were the last years on the street, and they are again this year, forced to occupy the premises of political parties to be heard. The Radical Party, the PDP were occupied and also the Socialist Party, for two consecutive times, by the Socialist Youth. Party leaders of Salvador Allende were content to call the police to his aid, sending the young militants to prison.
The current crisis is also a deep institutional crisis from the political crisis and economic distress of which I speak. The transition dictatorship to democracy was made in 1989-1990, with the express condition that the law established by the dictatorship and the prevailing economic model are conserved.
This agreement, concluded in secret, occasionally evoked even by those who reached him, was never published. Chile live it, with a Constitution as voted by Pinochet in 1980 in unacceptable conditions: during the dictatorship, with one million Chileans exiled by force, with tens of thousands in prison, with thousands of political and union leaders missing dungeons, no electoral lists, and through the state of siege, without constitutional guarantees.
Chileans still suffer unjust institutional order and national security laws is unacceptable in a democracy can be applied, such as those used to suppress the Mapuche people, which demands careful not prevent the government to imprison their leaders and even from a few weeks ago, imprisoning a filmmaker Elena Varela, for the crime of having shot a documentary about their struggles.
Chileans suffer, in short, the tacit, secret, which if due to the courage of the judges a number of soldiers were eventually brought to justice for crimes against human rights, the policy makers dictatorship, the ideologues and all the precious support of the military, "who supported the coup and justified all the betrayals and horrors-all, remain unpunished.
This constitutional and legal framework inherited from the military carries many other injustices of which I can not dwell here as denying the right to vote to Chileans living abroad (when we represent something like 8% of the population) or the electoral system, the famous binomial system, which ensures consistently right-wing opposition strongly represented in both chambers.
* Today we have to acknowledge the death of a political model, the endless transition a coalition of parties, the Coalition, I extend yet see itself at risk of disappearing in a storm that could trigger uncontrollable at any time any of us, whatever our views or our political choices, could wish.
As responsible citizens we must take matters into our hands and call all forces in the country to demand a new constitutional charter which guarantees equally to all Chileans, regardless of their social origin, a future.
solemnly call here in this place we have invited our French friends, and would like to thank very warmly the presence Henri Emmanuelli and Jean-Paul Huchon, "in this place, I say that is symbolic of the Republic, in the name of the memory of President Salvador Allende supreme renew the covenant of free citizens, asking for emergency meeting a Constituent Assembly.
I said.
dangerous because a lot has been said by all speakers who have preceded me and I avoid repeating them. Dangerous
also because the Socialist Party of Chile, which I represent in France is but the shadow of the Party of Salvador Allende, and the need to make it clear to you. Dangerous
finally, because I owe to the memory of Salvador Allende, on this anniversary, honesty and the truth about Chilean political reality today.
But before going there, let me return to the personality of Salvador Allende to remember two or three aspects of his political doctrine on which, in my opinion, never enough emphasis.
* The first feature you would like to emphasize is what patriotism should be called the constant testing which was, until the last moment, Salvador Allende.
The first thing is first and foremost interested in the Chilean context, the concrete reality verifiable, emerged from the history of that territory and the people who inhabit it.
living conditions of the people, which he called a doctor, were the underpinnings of his political commitment, "as they were, and the parallel is interesting, for this great French statesman, physician, too, George Clemenceau. In a speech in Parliament in 1937, just after the Popular Front victory in legislative elections, Allende proclaimed
"I think Chile is one big hut, in which only one patient, all the people de Chile. [...] What this town needs is a law that applies in its entirety, and go to the deep substratum of social ills, and once and for all end with the profiteering and speculation, and to break the government's indifference to the great problems of national interest subsisting in all its rawness, strangling the middle class and drives the country. "
This fidelity to the national interest as opposed to the interests of a sector of the population is undoubtedly a legacy of the French Revolution which republican ideas were introduced in Chile in the mid-nineteenth century by Santiago Arcos, who had lived with enthusiasm the revolutionary days of 1848 in Paris. Allende
reaffirmed in 1944, when he defines the ultimate goal the struggle of the left as "the conquest of the welfare and greatness of Chile." The left, as a representative of the people is the legitimate representative of the nation.
When you lose, no matter how little, the 1958 presidential elections, Allende continues along the same lines and in a Senate speech about one of the great themes of his campaign, reform, not as an ideological imperative, but as a need to which any party or any government can escape.
"I was particularly interested in being me, the candidate of the popular parties, who raised the country's agrarian reform. This reform is a social and economic unstoppable in the country. But always raised with the responsibility of the man who has studied, along with his companions, this matter: convinced that Chile's economy calls for land reform, with full awareness that the Chilean social reality demands. And therefore I have repeated ad nauseum, we're spending a hundred million dollars a year to bring food that we could produce. I saw the need for this reform because I know as a doctor, food deficits. "
Since then, economic independence and social justice became the leitmotifs of Allende and the Socialist Party of Chile.
During the years of President Eduardo Frei Allende denounced many times the weight of the United States, "now well-established in the 1964 presidential campaign, and the American influence of any substance that deprived the" revolution in freedom "that had been proposed to pursue the promising young Christian Democrats. When in 1970 reached the presidency of the Republic, Allende suffer severely, until the coup was the highlight event, the foreign presence that rose up against the general interest against the national interest. His death in La Moneda in flames is the final expression of the solid tie that bound him to the nation.
The second feature of the doctrine of Allende would like to stress, and attached to the first, is the unfailing respect for the law, defended it against everything and everyone. Is what led him to devise the revolutionary "Chilean road to socialism"-which was nothing of the ballot box, which seemed so dangerous to the Yankees in the context of the Cold War, but finally prevailed as normal in democracy from the 80 in Europe.
This leads me to say something about an idea that is evidence in any First World country, and yet it seems so difficult to understand or to perform in Latin America.
Contrary to what is usually heard under the influence of a persistent propaganda and easy, Salvador Allende's accession to power in 1970 accounted for much less at a rapprochement with the Soviet bloc Chile-step memory of the Soviet Union ran to relieve the government of Allende, that the approach of Chile, from an institutional standpoint, the countries of Western Europe.
Never before, nor ever since, "a government was so close in the country imposing the essential elements of what we could call a Republican Pact, ie an agreement among all political sectors of society to ensure public education quality, affordable health care for all, decent housing, in short a social minimum in the best possible quality to ensure the country's future, its development, enrichment and fulfillment of its citizens.
foreign influence, lack of patriotism or the lack of identification to a land, a people, one-story, made this possibility that Chile had to cross the cultural barrier, above all, separates First World from the rest of the planet, was lost.
today's Chile, after 17 years of ruthless dictatorship and 19 years of governments that manage, with increasingly difficult, a negotiated transition with the military and economic groups that supported them, that Chile, through a serious crisis.
A political crisis, first of all, he plays every game, without exception, from right to left: implode parties are split, expel, fractionated. New formations emerge, with no real backbone, parties "instrumental" as they say, which aims to bring to power some individuals without ideas, without convictions, without a program.
insist that this crisis reaches across the political spectrum, to the point that not only the leaders quarrel between them, so after all may appear normal, but whole sections of the parties, such as youth, do not feel represented by their addresses and oppose them or simply leave, leaving the parties.
On the right is a ruthless struggle for the conquest of power in the center right of the left is a political model, the Concertación, which seems not to work, to the left iquierda, is disorder , the dispersion in a multitude of factions, the inability to form alliances.
I said earlier that the Socialist Party, Allende's party, does not escape this crisis and remains frozen in a position where their constituents and their members are increasingly difficult to recognize as a socialist. As an example of what I say, let me quote some words:
"We have defended and defend democracy, but this does not prevent us note that Chile at this moment is mired in the deepest crisis in its history. This crisis is so deep that we cover all aspects: economic, political, institutional and moral.
We had no influence on the government, and act subordinate ministries, apart from any determination in the major categories of the national economy.
leave the government socialists when we saw the impossibility of developing a positive policy for the benefit of the country, the people, their working classes. We cease to belong to the executive when we realized that our power was barren and misunderstood and that our efforts were Arriagada by the economic right, which has continued to monitor the credit and finance. "
Who speaks? Salvador Allende in 1947, after the Socialists had withdrawn the second Popular Front government, that of Juan Antonio Ríos. Saving
proportions, striking parallel situations. And the net response, accurate, understandable, contributed to this situation by Salvador Allende and the Socialist Party then, contrasts in so brutal with the Socialist Party now confronted with similar difficulties.
The crisis is not only political, it is also economic. This is not the Chile of the major macroeconomic balances, "which is unfortunately the only compass of the economists who run the world," is sick, no. The economic malaise of Chile lies in the non-distribution of wealth, in the awful debt of households that pay for everything, including butter, on credit, with usurious rates exceeding 52%!
All that was privatization was privatized, everything is paid, beginning with education and health.
Education public is in a state of agony, students and schoolchildren were the last years on the street, and they are again this year, forced to occupy the premises of political parties to be heard. The Radical Party, the PDP were occupied and also the Socialist Party, for two consecutive times, by the Socialist Youth. Party leaders of Salvador Allende were content to call the police to his aid, sending the young militants to prison.
The current crisis is also a deep institutional crisis from the political crisis and economic distress of which I speak. The transition dictatorship to democracy was made in 1989-1990, with the express condition that the law established by the dictatorship and the prevailing economic model are conserved.
This agreement, concluded in secret, occasionally evoked even by those who reached him, was never published. Chile live it, with a Constitution as voted by Pinochet in 1980 in unacceptable conditions: during the dictatorship, with one million Chileans exiled by force, with tens of thousands in prison, with thousands of political and union leaders missing dungeons, no electoral lists, and through the state of siege, without constitutional guarantees.
Chileans still suffer unjust institutional order and national security laws is unacceptable in a democracy can be applied, such as those used to suppress the Mapuche people, which demands careful not prevent the government to imprison their leaders and even from a few weeks ago, imprisoning a filmmaker Elena Varela, for the crime of having shot a documentary about their struggles.
Chileans suffer, in short, the tacit, secret, which if due to the courage of the judges a number of soldiers were eventually brought to justice for crimes against human rights, the policy makers dictatorship, the ideologues and all the precious support of the military, "who supported the coup and justified all the betrayals and horrors-all, remain unpunished.
This constitutional and legal framework inherited from the military carries many other injustices of which I can not dwell here as denying the right to vote to Chileans living abroad (when we represent something like 8% of the population) or the electoral system, the famous binomial system, which ensures consistently right-wing opposition strongly represented in both chambers.
* Today we have to acknowledge the death of a political model, the endless transition a coalition of parties, the Coalition, I extend yet see itself at risk of disappearing in a storm that could trigger uncontrollable at any time any of us, whatever our views or our political choices, could wish.
As responsible citizens we must take matters into our hands and call all forces in the country to demand a new constitutional charter which guarantees equally to all Chileans, regardless of their social origin, a future.
solemnly call here in this place we have invited our French friends, and would like to thank very warmly the presence Henri Emmanuelli and Jean-Paul Huchon, "in this place, I say that is symbolic of the Republic, in the name of the memory of President Salvador Allende supreme renew the covenant of free citizens, asking for emergency meeting a Constituent Assembly.
I said.
des 
